Chisumbanje energy driven agricultural investment and transforming kinship relations in Zimbabwe

Abstract

The Chisumbanje Ethanol Project is a national project of great strategic importance where ethanol is produced from sugar cane. The establishment of the project has brought about both social advantages and challenges to the community. This article seeks to strike a balance between the returns and challenges that the plant has brought to the community. It explores the transforming kinship and/or social relations in a social community of largely Ndau speaking people. While the plant has instigated business boom, there is very little examination of how it has or not transformed social relations. As communities experience and see development through lens of “buildings, roads, new companies, products and ways of life”, how reach these are to the Ndau people are matters that require in-depth study. While social giving in the form of schools and clinics, water and other provisions, is good for business relations, this does not provide or reveal the community dynamics necessary for pro-people economic foundations. There is no doubt that a development such as the Chisumbanje plant, will have a range of services benefits, with employment and other economic derivations from the value chain being key. This article, further explores the kinship dynamics and how they play out in dialogue and negotiations over land compensation, relocations, “forced or negotiated” downsizing of land, and the incorporation into shop floor types of jobs, with perhaps weak contracts. The idea, in this paper is to hear from the ordinary people their stories in terms of relations with the company, and new players within the space they culturally called their own. Such stories, more importantly will tell us their own relations, and how they have negotiated with the company and where they stand as a community and as families. But perhaps, the economic investment is bringing back home the Ndau diasporas to live with their own. Yet, questions remain whether such patterns exist, how this changes family relations, and whether such retreat back to the roots is leading to cohesive kinship and a better vision for the Ndau people of Chipinge. Yet, the Ndau will never be alone in that space they call home, as new people come in and other still go out. So what does this mean for livelihoods of the ordinary Ndau?

Is land or the economy the real deal in the struggles surrounding Chisumbanje Ethanol Project

The Chisumbanje ethanol project has captured the emotions, imaginations and captivated Zimbabweans to dialogue on broader economic development and market governance.  Yet, underpinning this intense dialogue are real matters of livelihoods and the meaning of land for people. The complexity of the project, has invited enormous “lay-by or street” analysts of all sorts questioning the project in terms of its effect on their precious assets – cars! However, underneath this public and seemingly national contestation, are issues of balancing economic development versus resources ownership, especially for the people of Chipinge, where the first project on large-scale investment has been established. A key trend that the project re-introduces is one of large scale land re-concentration. Yet, Zimbabwe has undergone a reform programme precisely aimed at de-concentration and wider beneficiation of ordinary Zimbabweans. Does it then follow that the state in Zimbabwe is questioning its original motif and objectives of redistributive land reform, as elucidated in public from 2000? Yet, evidence shows that agriculture has struggled for a variety of complex reasons, and in a way large scale land investments may make sense under the current circumstances. Nonetheless, sensitivities arise when community owned land becomes the target for investments, with a potential to displace communities. Noise has been raised on the potential and possibilities of such displacement; however, there is no consensus on evidence of what is actually taking place on the ground in Chipinge.

The most intriguing question is the value of the land against the economic spinoffs of the whole investment. What is the value of the land to the community visa via the economic benefits the community is reaping from the Chisumbanje Ethanol Plant? Is the compensation of 0.5ha of irrigated land enough for the community which claims to have lost its most valuable asset, land? Are the economic benefits for the community long term benefits? What about the long term livelihood sustainability of the community? It is without doubt that the Chisumbanje Ethanol Plant has brought about economic benefits to the Chipinge community. The company has created more than 5000 jobs, banks and other businesses are sprouting at Checheche Growth Point. Out grower schemes have been established, roads maintained, schools refurbished and many more. However, fundamental questions remain unanswered, the nature of displacement, land resettlement plans, compensation of the displaced, and the nature of contract model where communities cede or use land rights to negotiate economic benefits, focusing on the benefits and challenges the Chisumbanje project generates and the responses of the local peasant farmers to such non-food investment project.

Research in Africa has shown that communities tend lose more in large scale land investments, and the investors ripping off communities. Could this be the case in Chisumbanje? Large scale land investments in Africa is about change and politics – about people and power, could also this be the case in Chisumbanje? There is need for the investments to help expand opportunities for the most marginalized people in Chipinge. Only through inclusive growth, which requires accountability, transparency and efficiency through partnerships among different stakeholders at all levels, the community in Chipinge can genuinely benefit from the Chisumbanje Ethanol Plant. It is very important to engage the community in whole development value chain of the investment so that the real community benefit from the investment. Accusations of the investment employing the locals as laborers have been raised and there is need to carry a study on the types of jobs the locals hold at the company, so that real development can be ascertained. Land is valuable resource and it has roots to the liberation struggle.  So many people participated in the liberation struggle to fight for their land and now the land is in the hands of the indigenous Zimbabwean and that’s what makes Zimbabwean real Zimbabweans. Came the large scale land investments, Chisumbanje Ethanol Plant, there are issues of displacement! Villagers losing their most valued asset, the land of their fore fathers, and the land of their umbilical code, to the company that is bringing in the investment. They lose 4-5ha of dry land and compensated by a mere 0.5ha of irrigated land. Where then are the cattle going to graze?  Is the 0.5ha irrigated land enough to feed the mostly large families due to the polygamous nature of the culture of the local Ndau people?

In conclusion there is a strong need for a cost benefit analysis of the economic benefits of the community and the government should put in place measures that make sure the community gets really benefits and a sustainable livelihood from the investment. The local community should have a share in the investment and comprehensive consultations with the community should be carried out before the proposed expansions at Chisumbanje. It has shown that the whole investment is all about politics and corruption and nothing real for the people, therefore there should be public scrutiny of the investment to allow accountability so that the community which lost its land really benefit from the investment.